With over 150 publications issued each year
under an open access policy in French, English, German and Russian,
Ifri enriches the international debate with a constant concern for
objectivity, intellectual rigor, transversality, openness, and support to public and private decision-making.
The German government has long hesitated to take a position on the crisis between Russia and Ukraine. It has refused to question the planned commissioning of Nord Stream 2 and to supply Ukraine with weapons.
When it was founded in August 1991, the Weimar Triangle was intended as a forum for trilateral consultations between the foreign ministers of France, the Federal Republic of Germany, and Poland on the future of Europe after the end of the Cold War.
France’s policy vis-à-vis the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) has always been ambivalent. On paper, France’s strategic culture fits well within NATO’s nature and agenda. Yet, in practice, French membership of NATO has always been uneasy. Several intra-alliance developments...
Despite their difference in size, Korea and the EU have developed over time a strong and deep relation through direct investment flows. Germany dominates the relationship, but there remains ample room for the other EU member-states to further develop their relations with Korea.
Françoise Nicolas contributed the chapter on trade, providing more insights into the opportunities and challenges South Korea and the EU need to address to revive the rules-based multilateral trading system.
One cannot help but wonder about Germany’s future foreign policy when one considers both the weight of the Federal Republic and the many crises we face internationally.
The grand coalition’s record on European policy is mixed. On budgetary issues, the CDU-CSU and SPD were able to implement the agreements in the coalition agreement, but on fundamental reforms of the European Union, only small steps were taken.
As the world’s center of gravity has shifted to Asia, the European Union must also be present in the region. In particular, it must develop its relations with Asian countries that have long been neglected to the sole benefit of China -- namely India, but above all the countries of Southeast...
An era of hyper globalization is giving way to an age of geoeconomics wherein China seeks a decisive seat at the table.
While it has long been reluctant to engage in institution-based regional economic integration, East Asia is now home to two mega trade deals: the Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership (CPTPP) and the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP).
