The key role of Ukraine in the transportation of Russian gas and the underground gas storage facilities are a legacy of the Soviet era. From the mid-1990s onwards, Gazprom has repeatedly tried to control gas transit through Ukraine and other infrastructures from the Soviet era without success....
Russia / NIS
Russia—as a great power, an emerging market and an energy heavyweight—is intriguing. Both Russia and the post-Soviet space tend to be somewhat volatile and impenetrable.
The Russia/NIS Center, however, casts light on this region. Created in 2004, it anticipates new developments, enriches public debate and empowers decision-making on issues related to Russia and the New Independent States (NIS).
The Center regularly publishes papers on a wide array of themes, from central issues (such as the interaction between foreign policy and energy policy) to topics that are more innovative in France such as the Russian government’s attitude to internet governance, and the competitiveness of Russian universities.
The Center’s digital collection Russie.Nei.Visions (set up in 2005 and available in Russian, English and French) has become an important resource. Its analyses are widely disseminated via social networks and our researchers have a strong presence in French and international media.
Since the Center’s fouding, Ifri has hosted several top political representatives and key economic players in the Russian/NIS space. Attendees at Ifri’s seminars and conferences, include former Ukrainian presidents V. Yushchenko and V. Yanukovych, former Georgian president M. Saakashvili and Russian Minister for Economic Development A. Ulyukayev.
The Center maintains a strong presence in the field, staying close to public authorities and multinational firms in the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) area. It has also developed many partnerships with think tanks and research institutes in Europe, the United States, China, Japan and the post-Soviet space.
Since the collapse of the Soviet Union in the 1990s, Washington has defined general foreign policy objectives towards the Republics of Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan.
Guerre de l'information : le web russe dans le conflit en Ukraine Russie.Nei.Reports, n° 20, septembre 2015
Since the beginning of the crisis in Ukraine, Russia has been waging an information war that reflects its perception of its relationship towards the West as being that of a state of permanent conflict which needs the use of alternative tools to weaken both the enemy’s will and the capabilities...
A wide-ranging look at the way Gazprom interacts with an increasingly challenging global gas market for Russia.
Leaving to Come Back: Russian Senior Officials and the State-Owned Companies Russie.Nei.Visions, No. 87, August 2015
When Dmitry Medvedev announced in late 2014 that the presence of ministers and other officials should be sharply increased on the boards of public companies, observers were surprised, considering that four years before the former President started a campaign to remove them from the very same...
This brief paper analyzes the energy relations between Russia and its “new” energy partnerships – with China and Turkey – that the Kremlin tends to publicly promote as an alternative to energy relations with the West.
The Kurds: a Channel of Russian Influence in the Middle East? Franco-Turkish Paper, No. 14, June 2015
With the Syrian crisis entering its fifth year, the changing security context in Syria and Iraq since the summer of 2014 has highlighted the increasingly important role played by the Kurds as a fighting force against Islamic State (IS). In a more general context of renewed Russian influence in...
Two simultaneous conflicts in Europe and the Middle East have brought the international order into flux. Russia’s annexation of Crimea and destabilization of eastern Ukraine have deeply undermined European security. Meanwhile, the self-declared Islamic State’s proclamation...
The annexation of Crimea and the Ukraine crisis have enabled Vladimir Putin once again to put on a display of Russian dominance, uniting the nation around core conservative values.
From the incident at Pristina airport (1999) to the seizure of Crimea (2014), Moscow is trying to demonstrate that it will not abide by rules set by others, nor resign itself to the place of a second-tier power.