Post-Soviet Russia has gradually asserted itself as an imperial and anti-Western power, representing a threat to the independence of its Eurasian neighbors, as well as to the post-Cold War international order. The Kremlin’s invasion of Ukraine on February 24, 2022 is the culmination of this behavior, with both regional and global consequences. Now cut off and isolated from the Euro-Atlantic space, Russia is seeking to deepen its partnership with China and to turn towards non-Western worlds, especially in Asia and Africa. In the Eurasian space, historically dominated by Russia, the war amplifies centrifugal tendencies. The speed and depth of the transformations underway require constant and precise monitoring of the internal and external policies of the countries in the area.
Founded in 2005 at Ifri, the Russia/Eurasia Center produces research and organizes debates on Russia, Eastern Europe, Central Asia and the South Caucasus. Its objective is to understand and anticipate the evolution of this complex and rapidly changing region in order to enrich the public debate in France and Europe, and to assist in strategic, political and economic decision-making. Over time, the Russia/Eurasia Center has developed a network of contacts from institutions and civil society in the countries of the Eurasian space, and has established multiple partnerships with research institutes in Europe and around the world.
The digital collection Russia.Eurasia.Visions (formerly Russia.Nei.Visions), published by the Center, has become a reference point, with articles published in three languages (French, English and Russian). Relying on a network of leading experts and promising young researchers, it offers original analyses intended for public and private decision-makers, researchers, as well as for a wider public interested in the area.
Director of Ifri's Russia / Eurasia Center
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Research Fellow, Russia / Eurasia Center
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Project Officer, Russia / Eurasia Center
Associate Research Fellow, Russia / Eurasia Center
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Associate Research Fellow, Russia / Eurasia Center
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Associate Fellow, Russia / Eurasia and Geopolitics of Technologies Centers
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Associate Fellow, Russia / Eurasia Center
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The year 2014 was defined by the conflict in Ukraine, the emergence of Daesh, and tensions between China and Japan. As for 2015, it has witnessed the spread of Daesh, the conflict in Yemen, the Greek...
The discussion about the BRICS (Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa) opposes two narratives. The first considers they play an increasing role in the international relations as the West is loosing power; the other sees the BRICS as a charade. But the key role played by the...
Dramatic changes in the Russian energy strategy and energy-based political alliances are to be expected due to the evolution of the domestic oil and gas market resulting from the economic crisis and sanctions linked to the annexation of Crimea.
A new stage in the development of Russia's migration policy is upon us. Since 2010, legal amendments and the Concept of Migration Policy of the Russian Federation to 2025, adopted in June 2012, marked a clear change in how migration flows are regulated, the aim being now to maximise the...
President Vladimir Putin’s third term of office proceeds under the “conservative shift.” Does this mean that the Russian government has finally opted for conservatism as its official—though not state—ideology, with long-term consequences for both its domestic policy and foreign policies?
The Eurasian axis of Russian foreign policy has been given several impetuses over the last two years. The most important of these has been the sharp deterioration in relations with the West against the backdrop of the Ukraine crisis.
Business in Russia today is closely intertwined with the political sphere. But the forms of business’s involvement in politics have differed radically at different stages in history. Initially, business played an active role, displacing the government from its position due to its vigorous...
Julien Nocetti outlines the new geopolitical challenges posed by the current stand-off between Russia and the West over Ukraine, which have added to the general defensive leitmotiv in the Russian domestic internet governance with a tighter grip on online communications and transactions...
For the past two years, the United States has been at grips with an increasingly revisionist Russia in continental Europe. The crisis in Ukraine deteriorated the state of the bilateral relationship with Moscow [1] to what could be an all-time low since the end of the Cold War [2].
This paper traces the evolution of Russian views on the art of coercion, and on the role of nuclear weapons in it, from the post-Cold War “regional nuclear deterrence” thinking to the current “Gerasimov Doctrine”.
