Post-Soviet Russia has gradually asserted itself as an imperial and anti-Western power, representing a threat to the independence of its Eurasian neighbors, as well as to the post-Cold War international order. The Kremlin’s invasion of Ukraine on February 24, 2022 is the culmination of this behavior, with both regional and global consequences. Now cut off and isolated from the Euro-Atlantic space, Russia is seeking to deepen its partnership with China and to turn towards non-Western worlds, especially in Asia and Africa. In the Eurasian space, historically dominated by Russia, the war amplifies centrifugal tendencies. The speed and depth of the transformations underway require constant and precise monitoring of the internal and external policies of the countries in the area.
Founded in 2005 at Ifri, the Russia/Eurasia Center produces research and organizes debates on Russia, Eastern Europe, Central Asia and the South Caucasus. Its objective is to understand and anticipate the evolution of this complex and rapidly changing region in order to enrich the public debate in France and Europe, and to assist in strategic, political and economic decision-making. Over time, the Russia/Eurasia Center has developed a network of contacts from institutions and civil society in the countries of the Eurasian space, and has established multiple partnerships with research institutes in Europe and around the world.
The digital collection Russia.Eurasia.Visions (formerly Russia.Nei.Visions), published by the Center, has become a reference point, with articles published in three languages (French, English and Russian). Relying on a network of leading experts and promising young researchers, it offers original analyses intended for public and private decision-makers, researchers, as well as for a wider public interested in the area.
Director of Ifri's Russia / Eurasia Center
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Research Fellow, Russia / Eurasia Center
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Project Officer, Russia / Eurasia Center
Associate Research Fellow, Russia / Eurasia Center
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Associate Research Fellow, Russia / Eurasia Center
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Associate Fellow, Russia / Eurasia and Geopolitics of Technologies Centers
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Associate Fellow, Russia / Eurasia Center
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The key role of Ukraine in the transportation of Russian gas and the underground gas storage facilities are a legacy of the Soviet era. From the mid-1990s onwards, Gazprom has repeatedly tried to control gas transit through Ukraine and other infrastructures from the Soviet era without success....
Since the collapse of the Soviet Union in the 1990s, Washington has defined general foreign policy objectives towards the Republics of Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan.
Since the beginning of the crisis in Ukraine, Russia has been waging an information war that reflects its perception of its relationship towards the West as being that of a state of permanent conflict which needs the use of alternative tools to weaken both the enemy’s will and the capabilities...
A wide-ranging look at the way Gazprom interacts with an increasingly challenging global gas market for Russia.
When Dmitry Medvedev announced in late 2014 that the presence of ministers and other officials should be sharply increased on the boards of public companies, observers were surprised, considering that four years before the former President started a campaign to remove them from the very same...
This brief paper analyzes the energy relations between Russia and its “new” energy partnerships – with China and Turkey – that the Kremlin tends to publicly promote as an alternative to energy relations with the West.
With the Syrian crisis entering its fifth year, the changing security context in Syria and Iraq since the summer of 2014 has highlighted the increasingly important role played by the Kurds as a fighting force against Islamic State (IS). In a more general context of renewed Russian influence in...
Two simultaneous conflicts in Europe and the Middle East have brought the international order into flux. Russia’s annexation of Crimea and destabilization of eastern Ukraine have deeply undermined European security. Meanwhile, the self-declared Islamic State’s proclamation...
From the incident at Pristina airport (1999) to the seizure of Crimea (2014), Moscow is trying to demonstrate that it will not abide by rules set by others, nor resign itself to the place of a second-tier power.
To implement the “grand strategy”, Moscow’s strongest card is the energy weapon. However, the fall in oil prices and the conflict in Ukraine have brought things sharply into perspective. The traditional military dimension of the army is currently resigned to waging “limited wars” in localized...
