Belgium has historically been a pro-European country. It depends on trade and foreign investment. As a small country, it benefits from being part of an institutional framework that balances the power of bigger Member States. The lack of a strong sense of national identity also helps to explain why there has been less reluctance to transfer competences to the EU.

Joining the EU and NATO was perceived as a way to escape communism and Russia’s sphere of influence by quickly enhancing its national security and economic development. This view largely remains valid today, especially as the “economic catch up” it sought has been relatively fruitful.

Malta as an isolated country saw relations with the EU as a bridge building effort with the peoples of the European Continent, which would also secure supplies, open markets, help obtain energy and strengthen security.

In France, Europe basically expresses four objectives: peace, parity with Germany, economic development, and leveraging French power. But today, the feeling abounds that none of these objectives are really being achieved.

On 16 January, the independence-leaning Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) won a double victory over the ruling party, the Kuomintang (KMT). DPP candidate Tsai Ing-wen was elected president with 56% of the vote, and for the first time the party won a majority in the Legislative Yuan – Taiwan’s parliament – with 68 of the 113 seats.

The recent discovery of the giant Zohr's gas field will drastically change the energy future of Egypt, which is today increasingly dependent on imports to meet its growing domestic demand.

Although the United States is less active in Africa than France, their security policies on the continent often have shared objectives and are sometimes pursued jointly. While the urgency of humanitarian crises has been at the centre of foreign interventions for a long time, now it tends to give way to the terrorist threat.