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How should Britain and France cooperate to realise the Northwood Declaration?

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The Big Ask, Council on Geostrategy
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During his state visit to the United Kingdom (UK) last week, Emmanuel Macron, President of France, signed a joint declaration with Sir Keir Starmer, Prime Minister, on nuclear cooperation between Britain and France. The Northwood Declaration highlights that while both countries’ nuclear arsenals remain sovereign, cooperation on nuclear deterrence can ‘contribute significantly’ to the security of the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO) and the Euro-Atlantic region.

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Meeting between Keir Starmer and Emmanuel Macron in August 2024.
Meeting between Keir Starmer and Emmanuel Macron in August 2024.
Simon Dawson / No 10 Downing Street
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The Northwood Declaration announces the formation of a ‘UK-France Nuclear Steering Group’ to shape nuclear coordination and reiterates both nations’ support for the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons, but does not offer any further guidance on bilateral nuclear cooperation. This absence provides the topic for this week’s Big Ask, in which we asked seven experts: How should Britain and France cooperate to realise the Northwood Declaration?

Here is Héloïse Fayet's contribution.

British-French nuclear cooperation must now deliver concrete, high-value outcomes. First, operational coordination should intensify. Joint nuclear exercises, particularly as the Royal Air Force (RAF) rebuilds a nuclear culture, would strengthen mutual readiness. British and French forces should also explore mutual support in deterrent patrols, such as contributing to each other’s ballistic missile nuclear submarine (SSBN) dispersal and protection.

Second, sharing intelligence and coordinating targeting logic would enhance psychological credibility, reinforcing adversary perceptions of uncertainty and resolve. While the UK and France retain full operational independence, working in tandem adds a layer of ambiguity and strategic depth which benefits both nations.

Third, political alignment should be deepened. Britain and France should present a unified front on arms control and nuclear non-proliferation, preserving their equities as independent powers. Together, they can act as a diplomatic corridor – anchored in credibility – between the US on one side and Russia and the PRC on the other to keep the P5 Process alive.

Finally, they should sustain scientific and technical excellence. The Teutates Programme, including the EPURE facility, form the backbone of this collaboration and should be resourced and updated continuously.

Strengthening these pillars will not only reinforce deterrence for both countries, but also contribute to European and transatlantic strategic cohesion in an increasingly contested nuclear environment.

To read the other experts' contributions to this Big Ask, please follow this link.

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heloise fayet

Héloïse FAYET

Intitulé du poste

Research Fellow and Head of the Deterrence and Proliferation program, Security Studies Center, Ifri

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Deterrence and Proliferation
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The conflicts in Europe, Asia and the Middle East demonstrate a return of nuclear power to the balance of power. Arsenals are being modernized and expanded, while arms control is collapsing. This research program aims to analyze these phenomena.

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Security Studies Center
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Heir to a tradition dating back to the founding of Ifri, the Security Studies Center provides public and private decision-makers as well as the general public with the keys to understanding power relations and contemporary modes of conflict as well as those to come. Through its positioning at the juncture of politics and operations, the credibility of its civil-military team and the wide distribution of its publications in French and English, the Center for Security Studies constitutes in the French landscape of think tanks a unique center of research and influence on the national and international defense debate.

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Stability under Pressure. A Pakistani View on Nuclear Deterrence after Pahalgam

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24 June 2026
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The May 2025 India-Pakistan crisis after the Pahalgam attack has generated a familiar but incomplete debate: did nuclear deterrence work, or did it merely allow both sides to fight a limited war under the nuclear shadow? The better answer is that deterrence worked at the level at which it was designed to work. It prevented a general war and an uncontrolled vertical escalation, and kept nuclear weapons in the background. But it did not prevent India from attempting to carve out space for conventional action, nor did it prevent Pakistan from responding conventionally to restore deterrence credibility.

Rabia Akhtar
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Date de publication
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For what may be its most significant stress test since the end of the Cold War, European deterrence is under strain. Russia’s war against Ukraine has demonstrated Moscow’s willingness to use force and its ability to combine conventional operations with nuclear signalling, coercive rhetoric, and hybrid actions. At the same time, the gradual deterioration of transatlantic relations has revived concerns about the reliability of extended deterrence.

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Taking the Pulse: Is France’s New Nuclear Doctrine Ambitious Enough?

Date de publication
12 March 2026
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French President Emmanuel Macron has unveiled his country’s new nuclear doctrine. Are the changes he has made enough to reassure France’s European partners in the current geopolitical context?

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Macron Offers a Promising Vision for Nuclear Deterrence in Europe

Date de publication
11 March 2026
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Héloïse FAYET Darya DOLZIKOVA
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Meeting between Keir Starmer and Emmanuel Macron in August 2024.
Simon Dawson / No 10 Downing Street

How can this study be cited?

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Héloïse FAYET, « How should Britain and France cooperate to realise the Northwood Declaration? », External Publications, External Articles, Ifri, 18 July 2025.
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