France seeks third way between US and China in Southeast Asia
The French leader sent a message of partnership but gave few concrete details on sustained engagement plans.
French President Emmanuel Macron’s recent visit to Southeast Asia – Vietnam, Indonesia, and culminating in a landmark address at the Shangri-La Dialogue in Singapore – offered a glimpse into France’s evolving Indo-Pacific strategy as well as his broader geopolitical vision.
As the first European head of state to deliver the keynote speech at Asia’s premier security forum, Macron seized the opportunity to present France as a constructive power, one committed to upholding international law, wary of great power polarisation, and aligned with the region’s aspirations for sovereignty and strategic autonomy.
The core message was that Europe and Asia share similar challenges: they face common threats from revisionist powers that reject international law and use coercion. He presented the two theatres as closely interrelated. The Ukraine war has global stakes – it tests the world order, sovereignty, and non-proliferation, with direct implications for Asia through growing Russia-China-North Korea ties.
Seizing the strategic moment
To resist the “sphere of coercions” carried out by illiberal hegemonic powers, Macron called for a coalition of independence, grounding his appeal to strategic autonomy in both Asian history and strategic culture, and a Gaullist legacy. He invoked the memory of the 1955 Bandung Conference and General Charles de Gaulle’s 1966 Phnom Penh speech that positioned France as a partner for countries striving to avoid alignment with major blocs.
France’s careful balancing act – at times criticised for its ambiguity – is largely welcomed in the region. Macron combines frank criticism of China with a commitment to dialogue. In May, China’s Defence Minister Dong Jun met his French counterpart in Paris, even as Dong’s absence from the Shangri-La Dialogue drew widespread attention.
However, this attempt to propose a “third way” between rival blocs should come with a reality-check. The waning influence of Europe in Asia is clear, suffering from perceptions of double-standards, institutional complexities and wavering commitment to the region. [...]
Seizing economic moment
This outreach also reflects a recognition that the Association of Southeast Asian Nations is vital to Europe’s – and France’s – economic and security future. The organisation encompasses strategic maritime routes crucial for global trade and provides resources essential for Europe’s green and digital transitions. At the Indo-Pacific level, Macron called for a trade agreement between the European Union and the Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership (CPTPP) to help shape global standards for trade, labour, and the environment.[...]
Gaps in vision
Despite the strong rhetorical alignment on offering a third way, Macron’s vision still lacks operational clarity. While the French President stressed the need for European-Asian cooperation, he offered little detail into what France’s updated Indo-Pacific strategy, set to be released in the coming weeks, will actually encompass. Nor did he explain how France intends to maintain its efforts in the region amid an ongoing war in Europe and with the United States retreating. [...]
Macron’s ambition to build a “third way” as a rules-based, non-aligned, and cooperative order has intuitive appeal in Southeast Asia. But it now requires activation. For this vision to move beyond rhetoric, France must demonstrate sustained regional engagement, concrete projects and actionable initiatives.
> Read the entire article on The Interpreter.
Available in:
Themes and regions
Share
China’s Climate Leadership after Hormuz: How Should Europe Adjust?
The effective closure of the Strait of Hormuz in early 2026 offered an unplanned stress test of China’s approach to energy security, and China passed it far better than most expected. The episode demonstrated that the underlying risk of supply disruption is real, while validating a preference for resilience and resource security that has long underpinned Chinese energy and climate policy and has now been reinforced under the banner of building an “energy powerhouse.”
China as an ambivalent supporter of the WTO and the multilateral trading system
Amid rising trade tensions between Europe and China and broader uncertainty in the international rules-based trade regime, Beijing has worked to preserve and bolster the multilateral trading system while at the same time failing to reform the domestic policies that have served to undermine that same system.
Canada in the Indo-Pacific Sustaining the Pivot, Partnering with France
Since the launch of Canada’s inaugural Indo-Pacific Strategy (IPS) in November 2022, Ottawa has moved—with notable but uneven momentum—from the margins of regional engagement to a position of growing strategic visibility. The Strategy, backed by an initial $2.3 billion five-year investment, reflects a long-overdue recognition: Canada is a Pacific nation whose prosperity and security are inextricably linked to the stability of the world’s most economically and strategically consequential region.
Pakistan and the Israel-Palestine Conflict: Transformation in Pakistan’s Approach After the War in Gaza
Pakistan has long combined vocal support for the Palestinian cause with covert engagement with Israel. Since the war in Gaza, this balance has become untenable: public opinion is united against Israel, joining Trump’s Board of Peace has drawn rare cross-party criticism, and new regional alignments put normalization out of reach.