Europe

Despite almost ten years within the European Union, Romania’s accession is not yet complete. It is not part of the Schengen zone and has yet to enter the Eurozone (planned for 2019). Moreover, a core problem remains in the ownership of the necessary reforms to catch up with the rest of the EU and to reform the public authorities.

The times when the German population met the EU with almost unconditional and passive support might be over, but it is still convinced that any step backwards would entrain even bigger damages for Germany’s stability, peace and wealth.

A key element to understand the Luxembourgish perspective on the EU relates to its geography. Contacts with citizens from neighbouring countries are daily and affect the kind of society that Luxembourg has become, quite multinational. Similarly, the presence of many international companies leads Luxembourg to favour open markets for labour, services, goods and capital.

Finland joined the European Union with three main goals in mind: protection against military threats (Finland remains outside NATO), gaining influence within and through the EU, and economic opportunities via a full-fledged participation in the Single Market.

For Britain, the perceptions of its membership of the EU is seen in transactional terms. Joining and remaining in the EU was always sold as an economic decision taken for economic reasons. Therefore, concepts like “political union” mean very little in the UK. Even the idea of the EU being a “project” has little echo.

Both politically and economically, Cyprus retains mixed feelings toward the benefits of its EU membership. The country remains divided in two parts despite the “European solution”, which should have solved the situation. The economic crisis has also left a bitter taste in the mouths of Cypriots, especially considering the events that led to the bail-in programme. Overall, the experience has disillusioned the population.

The Czech Republic has moved from being a pro-EU country focused on benefits it can reap, such as the freedom of movement, to a more sceptic country in recent years. The critiques against the EU date back to the accession and do not focus on the integration process, but rather on the conditions of membership - especially those discussed during the negotiations on the Lisbon treaty and after on the euro adoption.

Malta as an isolated country saw relations with the EU as a bridge building effort with the peoples of the European Continent, which would also secure supplies, open markets, help obtain energy and strengthen security.

Italy has gone from one of the most pro-EU country to a rather euro-critical one. The crisis has dimmed hopes that the EU membership was a stimulator for economic growth. Moreover, Italians believed that the EU would be able to correct the shortcomings of national institutions. Phenomena, such as corruption, however, remain acutely perceived in Italy.

Despite a heavy toll in some sectors, Hungary has managed to reap the benefits of membership to the EU via the Structural Funds and access to the single market. The freedom of movement has also become a treasured right among Hungarians, for leisure and for jobs – about 500,000 have gained employment in other European countries.

One of Bulgaria’s paradoxes is that 25 years after the collapse of communism and almost ten years of EU membership, it seems to be quite unhappy with the transition but rather happy with its EU membership. In this way, the EU continues to be a beacon outside rather than the reality inside the country.

The Portuguese population remains supportive of the EU, but without a clear motive, and with a feeling that the country is run by external actors with external interests. Meanwhile, the authorities have strived to appear as “a good student” rigorously implementing austerity measures.

Belgium has historically been a pro-European country. It depends on trade and foreign investment. As a small country, it benefits from being part of an institutional framework that balances the power of bigger Member States. The lack of a strong sense of national identity also helps to explain why there has been less reluctance to transfer competences to the EU.

The Swedish decision to enter the EU was not based so much on the hope of gaining something, but rather on the fear of being left out if it did not. It was probably the desire for a ‘negative safety’ that made the Swedes vote in favour of the EU as the alternative cost would probably have been too high.

Due to geopolitical constellations, Austria could be seen as “a rather late” comer to the European Union (it joined in 1995). The rationale to join remains relevant: protection of wealth and securing a prosperous future. Being very reliant on export, the access to the single market is fundamental to its economy. The enlargement has also helped Austria become a hub between Western and Eastern Europe.

Latvia’s benefits to the EU have been clear. It has boosted the modernisation of the country and its infrastructures via the Cohesion Funds. It has helped reconnect the country with the West. And it has served to provide security to Latvia, especially vis-à-vis Russia.

The Danes are generally happy with the EU’s level of economic integration and are proponents of furthering the integration of the single market. However, they are sceptical when it comes to the EU’s federal trimmings and EU process standards in social and employment policies.

Slovenians believe that they mostly benefit in terms of mobility (no/less border controls), cheaper mobile calls and improved consumer rights. In opposition to these concrete EU-membership related benefits, however, the generally positive assessment of the EU dropped immensely following the European economic and financial crisis.

In France, Europe basically expresses four objectives: peace, parity with Germany, economic development, and leveraging French power. But today, the feeling abounds that none of these objectives are really being achieved.