Europe

Latvia’s benefits to the EU have been clear. It has boosted the modernisation of the country and its infrastructures via the Cohesion Funds. It has helped reconnect the country with the West. And it has served to provide security to Latvia, especially vis-à-vis Russia.

The Danes are generally happy with the EU’s level of economic integration and are proponents of furthering the integration of the single market. However, they are sceptical when it comes to the EU’s federal trimmings and EU process standards in social and employment policies.

Slovenians believe that they mostly benefit in terms of mobility (no/less border controls), cheaper mobile calls and improved consumer rights. In opposition to these concrete EU-membership related benefits, however, the generally positive assessment of the EU dropped immensely following the European economic and financial crisis.

In France, Europe basically expresses four objectives: peace, parity with Germany, economic development, and leveraging French power. But today, the feeling abounds that none of these objectives are really being achieved.

Despite the difficult economic crisis Ireland has experienced and the implementation of a far-reaching bailout programme, the Irish continue to believe that their EU membership has been positive in political and economic terms. As a small state in the EU, Ireland hopes to continue to be able to shape policy outcomes and remain actively involved in the core of the EU.

As a trading nation, the Netherlands has in particular valued the EU’s economic dimension. This also includes the EU’s geopolitical influence as it requires a major trading bloc to sway international negotiations. Moreover, it has always strived to balance powers in Europe and feels that the EU is a good vehicle through which to do so.

If Lithuania did not enter the EU with specific objectives in mind, it has clearly benefited from its membership. Membership has allowed the country to catch up economically, to join the Single Market and expand business opportunities. Its adoption of the euro in the midst of the Eurozone crisis is another evidence of Lithuanian keenness to participate actively to the EU.

The expectations of Croat citizens are modest since the country entered the EU in the midst of the financial crisis and the popular feeling is one of cautious optimism. The membership serves as a catalyst for the creation of national identity as one rooted in the West. It should also boost growth in the country, which Croatia is only starting to see having entered the EU in the midst of the crisis.

Slovakia might be perceived as a “latecomer” in preparing for EU accession only in the 1990s, but it caught up rapidly. Among its chief objectives was for Slovakians to achieve higher living standards and gain an external system of checks and balances, which would improve the country’s democratic processes and public administration.

Joining the EU and NATO was perceived as a way to escape communism and Russia’s sphere of influence by quickly enhancing its national security and economic development. This view largely remains valid today, especially as the “economic catch up” it sought has been relatively fruitful.

Greece has a record as a pro-integration country. Yet, the sovereign debt crisis and the adjustment programmes have sapped the Eurozone’s and the EU’s image, especially regarding its capacity to provide a framework for economic prosperity. Still, the refugee crisis proves that EU membership continues to offer a credible support system within which it can expect economic aid, organisational backing and the protection of its borders.

Despite almost ten years within the European Union, Romania’s accession is not yet complete. It is not part of the Schengen zone and has yet to enter the Eurozone (planned for 2019). Moreover, a core problem remains in the ownership of the necessary reforms to catch up with the rest of the EU and to reform the public authorities.

The times when the German population met the EU with almost unconditional and passive support might be over, but it is still convinced that any step backwards would entrain even bigger damages for Germany’s stability, peace and wealth.

A key element to understand the Luxembourgish perspective on the EU relates to its geography. Contacts with citizens from neighbouring countries are daily and affect the kind of society that Luxembourg has become, quite multinational. Similarly, the presence of many international companies leads Luxembourg to favour open markets for labour, services, goods and capital.

Finland joined the European Union with three main goals in mind: protection against military threats (Finland remains outside NATO), gaining influence within and through the EU, and economic opportunities via a full-fledged participation in the Single Market.

For Britain, the perceptions of its membership of the EU is seen in transactional terms. Joining and remaining in the EU was always sold as an economic decision taken for economic reasons. Therefore, concepts like “political union” mean very little in the UK. Even the idea of the EU being a “project” has little echo.

Both politically and economically, Cyprus retains mixed feelings toward the benefits of its EU membership. The country remains divided in two parts despite the “European solution”, which should have solved the situation. The economic crisis has also left a bitter taste in the mouths of Cypriots, especially considering the events that led to the bail-in programme. Overall, the experience has disillusioned the population.