The central role of technology in the competition between the major powers is fueling an ever-more intense rivalry. Artificial intelligence is enabling large corporations to accrue unprecedented power, with consequences for states and even for international conflict. However, states do have tools at their disposal to regulate these developments. In this international competition, Europe has a strong hand, but must be prepared to play its cards in order to create a new kind of international cooperation.

Founded in 1936, Politique étrangère, France’s longest-running journal of international relations, is set to publish a special issue in early June 2026. Bringing together leading contributors from France and abroad, this issue aims to offer a panorama of an uncertain world and its possible futures. In an unprecedented initiative, Politique étrangère will bring together a broad range of international contributions in an effort to capture an international scene that is at once open and fragmented in all its diversity and dynamism.

The construction of the European Union is historically inseparable from the emergence, at the end of World War II, of an Atlantic world dominated by the United States. Successive enlargements and the revision of U.S. policy are undermining the concepts upon which the European Union has been built since the fall of the USSR. It is undoubtedly time to return to a path of more diverse groupings, corresponding to the levels of commitment and the interests of the states of the Old Continent.

The system that emerged after the Second World War to regulate international relations is now moribund. Russia and China may have weakened it, but it seems that Donald Trump’s United States may deliver the fatal blow. The prevailing atmosphere is one of power struggles, and the rise of nationalisms is fraught with danger. The artificial intelligence revolution also needs to be factored into this equation, as it has a strong bearing on how much power different players can exert. In this respect, Europe must ensure it does not get left behind.

For what may be its most significant stress test since the end of the Cold War, European deterrence is under strain. Russia’s war against Ukraine has demonstrated Moscow’s willingness to use force and its ability to combine conventional operations with nuclear signalling, coercive rhetoric, and hybrid actions. At the same time, the gradual deterioration of transatlantic relations has revived concerns about the reliability of extended deterrence.

Over the past two years, Spain has emerged as one of the most vocal countries in supporting the Palestinian cause. While Madrid initially aligned with the prevailing European position, recognizing Israel’s right to self-defense after the 7 October attacks, it soon distinguished itself from most European Union (EU) Member States by questioning and later condemning Israel’s conduct of war in Gaza.

After Albania and Denmark in 2025, it will be Armenia’s turn to host the next summit of the European Political Community (EPC). As Yerevan gets ready to welcome the leaders of more than 40 European countries, the location of the summit in the heart of the South Caucasus draws attention to the geopolitical significance of the format, launched in Prague in 2022.

China’s rapid expansion in electric vehicle production is reshaping global automotive competition for both European and Japanese automakers. Japan —a pioneer in hybrid vehicles— is struggling to translate this leadership into battery electric vehicles (BEVs), as Chinese manufacturers rapidly scale production and exports. At the same time, China’s dominance in battery manufacturing and critical mineral processing exposes upstream vulnerabilities for Japan’s automotive industry. Together, these developments create a dual challenge: intensifying downstream competition in electric vehicle (EV) markets and continued dependence on Chinese-controlled supply chains.